Introduction
Among the various methods of dehumanization[1] used by Romanian authorities in the concentration camps of Transnistria, the lack of food posed the most severe challenge for the deported Roma. Hunger was omnipresent in the camps, becoming a constant source of anxiety that led to both physical and psychological degradation.
In this study, I will discuss starvation as a tool used by Romanian authorities to dehumanize and exterminate the Roma deported to Transnistria, while also highlighting their efforts to resist and maintain their humanity. Content analysis will be employed as the research technique. The corpus of the analysed interviews comes from two works containing survivor testimonies: “Sostar na rovas…? O Samudaripen Thaj Lesqi Ciaci Paramisi – Why Don’t I Cry…? The Roma Holocaust and Its True Story” (,,Sostar na rovas…? O Samudaripen Thaj Lesqi Ciaci Paramisi – De ce nu plâng…? Holocaustul rromilor și povestea lui adevărată,”) published by Furtună Adrian, Delia Grigore, and Mihai Neacșu in 2010 and “The Tragedy of the Roma Deported to Transnistria 1942-1945” („Tragedia Romilor Deportați în Transnistria 1942-1945”) published by Radu Ioanid, Michelle Kelso, and Luminița Mihai Cioabă in 2009[2].
The recovery of survivors’ testimonies highlights the subjective way in which the deported Roma experienced the famine. Hunger was internalized as the most common type of suffering and became the central factor around which they organized their camp life. Hunger also structured their memories, frequently reappearing in recollections even when not explicitly prompted: “There were times when we endured hunger for days…” – Niculae Iancu[3]; “What frightened you the most there? – Hunger!” – Moldoveanu Marin[4].
My analysis will follow the three stages of human social transformations during periods of famine proposed by Dirks[5], along with the psychological effects of hunger, as discussed by Kelly Young in the context of Jews in Nazi concentration camps[6].
Some General Considerations on the Effects of Famine and Starvation
Studying various populations across different cultures that have undergone severe famine, Dirks argues that there is a cross-cultural pattern regarding social transformations. These transformations lead to distinctive models of social interaction as famine progresses through different stages: alarm, resistance, and exhaustion. In the alarm phase, people become aware of the danger and become hyperactive, with anxiety setting in. During the resistance phase, survival strategies develop, relationships improve, people help each other, and families become more united. In the exhaustion phase, individuals become selfish, no longer help each other, and focus solely on personal survival[7]. According to Dirks, famine is not just a biological phenomenon but also a cultural and social one. The effects of famine are simultaneously physiological and interpersonal, with its frequency dictating the physical, social, and cultural evolution of those who experience it[8].
Exploring the degrading and dehumanizing effects of starvation on Jews deported to Nazi camps, Young shows that the main psychological effects of starvation include depression, anxiety, apathy, loss of motivation, and self-esteem. The continuous experience of food deprivation causes malnutrition, which in turn leads to cognitive decline and loss of concentration. The lack of vitamins B12, C, iron, proteins, and B6 causes mood changes, personality disorders, and concentration problems, thoughts of food becoming the primary focus for the starving[9]. Thus, the constant sensation of hunger and anxiety comes to dominate camp life. One of the most important observations from Young’s research on Jews in Nazi camps is that as biological needs increase, social habits and standards consequently decline[10].
Distribution of Daily Rations for the Roma Deported to Transnistria.
The daily ration for the Roma deported to Transnistria was 400 grams of barley, oats, or corn flour for an adult, 200 grams for a child, and 150 grams of potatoes. However, there were periods of several days or even weeks when they received nothing to eat.
A report from the General Inspectorate of the Gendarmerie dated December 12-19, 1942, regarding the situation of the Roma deported to the Bălșaia Karanica sector, shows that out of 3,881 deported Roma, 150 had already died of hunger due to insufficient daily rations and delays in distribution. These people had not received their allotted potatoes for a month. Moreover, they lacked the conditions to prepare the little food they received, as they did not have the necessary utensils and wood. The report concluded that if the situation continued, all the Roma in that sector would die of hunger.[11]
Another report from the same institution about the Roma camp in Covaliovca states that the Roma in this camp did not receive any food for 4 to 8 consecutive days, resulting in the death of 200 Roma, with 5-10 people dying daily[12]. The same situation was reported for the Roma camp in Golta, where gendarmes noted in 1943 that the Roma were performing forced labour without receiving food for months, “collapsing from hunger.” [13]
Constantin Brăilă, deported to the camps in Alexandrudar, Cazirka, and Suhabalta, recalls: “We had 400 grams of flour, and it wasn’t clean. It was mixed with chaff because it was ground at windmills. If the wind blew, the flour was made; if it didn’t, we starved and ate corn kernels, either boiled or roasted. No vegetables. In the summer, we only had boiled cornmeal porridge. Do you know what that is? It’s crushed corn, not like cornmeal, larger. It was boiled, and they put 2-3 kilos of oil in that pot, mixed it well, and gave us one ladle each, one ladle per person, and we ate right there where we were working in the fields. Those who were full, were full; those who weren’t, weren’t.” [14]
Social Transformations of the Roma Deported Due to Starvation
I. Alarm – Evacuation
According to the pattern proposed by Dirks, in the alarm phase, people become aware of the danger and become hyperactive, with anxiety setting in. This phase does not manifest uniformly across all populations, nor does it appear simultaneously, with people’s reactions varying based on environmental factors, cultural influences, or the circumstances surrounding the onset of famine[15].
For the Roma deported to Transnistria, the alarm phase began during the forced evacuations when taken by surprise and forced to leave their homes, people became hyperactive, anxious, and stressed. Many of them did not even know what was happening or where they were being taken, as testified by Iustian Badea, deported from Bucharest:
“Commissioner Cojocaru came to us from the neighbourhood; he had orders to take us, not just me, but most of the people on that street, Rădulescu Tei, and he took us to the Prefecture, as they say, to the Capital, on Calea Victoriei, and kept us there like prisoners, giving us food like prisoners, as if we were thieves.” [16]
The Roma who were about to be deported could not take bulky luggage, utensils, or other necessary items for daily life, as it was the case with Anghel Nedelea’s family from Pitești:
“… In the evening, a patrol of gendarmes came and smashed our door with the butt of a rifle, and took us out as we were. We were only allowed to take three kilograms: a pot, a pan, and a cauldron for polenta. … They took us to a cattle field, and we stayed there for three days with only 300 grams of bread per day. “ [17]
The alarm phase continued on the journey to Transnistria. The nomadic Roma arrived there with their own wagons, while the sedentary Roma were deported in cattle trains. Both groups were affected by the lack of food, as survivors recount:
“We were taken with our wagons, yes. And we were taken from post to post. And we didn’t have water to drink, there was no water, it was far away. And I would carry the water bucket on my head, as my mother was sick and needed water. I carried the bucket from here to the next village, walking with the bucket on my head. There was no food, no bread, nothing.” – Silvia Stănescu.[18]
“… The guards were soldiers. Romanians, they were Romanians, … We were dying of heat even though it was September, and we passed by wells or water channels, but they didn’t let us drink even a little water, absolutely nothing, nothing. We didn’t drink any water until we reached the farm. No food, there was no food” – Ștefan Moise.[19]
II. Resistance – Life in Transnistria
Following Dirks’ pattern, we could say that the resistance phase for the deported Roma began upon arrival in Transnistria. I will now discuss the main survival techniques identified during this stage of resistance and how their behaviour deteriorated under the impact of hunger.
II.1 Intrafamilial Relationships
One of the most important characteristics of the resistance phase is the strengthening of intrafamilial cooperation. In this stage, individuals in communities facing severe famine display greater economy of action, maintaining intact only intrafamilial reciprocity.[20] The importance of interpersonal relationships is also argued by Young, who, citing Shamai Davidson, states that strong interpersonal relationships in a concentration camp increase the chances of survival for the deportees by sustaining their morale and giving them the motivation to fight against starvation.[21]
This form of resistance is also found among the Roma deported to Transnistria. As evidenced by the testimonies of survivors presented below, each family member contributed to securing food and then distributing resources within the immediate family, with children being prioritized in food distribution to protect them:
“They gave us a kilogram of flour per family, so it was me with my sister who died here in Romania. So, my sister, my mother, there was also a mute aunt who died, grandpa, and grandma—so six people with one kilogram of barley flour, and grandma would make us flatbread and cook it under a metal sheet. What did grandma do? She used to say: ‘Don’t eat now, wait, you’ll eat later,’ and she gave us portions. Grandpa didn’t eat anymore, and mom saved food for the children.” – Mitică Aurică[22]
“We were in a cornfield, and I would go with my father to gather… The snow was so deep and frozen. It reached up to the corn ears. Dad would take a small bag, give me one too, and we’d go home. We would roast the corn on the stove until mom came with whatever else she could gather from the village, wherever she heard dogs barking.” – Petre Vasile[23]
“Poor dad, he used to go to the banks of the Bug River, where he would find small fish left behind by the fishermen. The fishermen would only take the big ones, leaving the small ones on the shore. Poor dad, as long as he lived, he would bring us fish, and we’d eat them plain. Fish strips, do you know what those are? You don’t? It’s a type of fish with long bones, and we’d eat them raw.” – Enuța Sporidon[24]
However, distributing food within the family also has disadvantages, leading to the loss of energy for the person who divides the food and supports the others. This is reflected in the testimony of survivor Mitică Aurică, whose grandfather stopped eating to leave more food for the children, and in the case of Enuța Spridon’s father, who was the main support of the family. The chances of survival for the family member who takes on the role of primary caregiver decrease significantly, as they lose physical and mental strength, sacrificing themselves for the others.
II.2 Procuring “Extra Food”
The daily rations received by the Roma in Transnistria were insufficient and often not distributed on time. In these situations, people tried by various means to obtain additional food, even at the risk of their lives. Hunger was stronger than the fear of death. Sneaking out of the camp to ask for food from the local Ukrainian population was one of the most common methods of procuring extra food, deportees risking being beaten or even shot by guards if caught.
Radu Alexandrina recalls an episode in which her mother was caught by guards and beaten with the butt of a rifle until she lost consciousness while trying to sneak out of the camp to ask for food from the Ukrainian locals. However, the humanity of the Ukrainian women saved her: “My poor mother would walk barefoot to the water, and that’s how she would brush the snow off her feet. She went to the village, and the Germans found her, hit her with the butt of a rifle on the head, and she lay there for a day until dusk when the Russian women came and secretly took her into their yard. Then she recovered and came back home.”[25]
Ion Petrache recounts how his family of Roma kalderash bribed the Romanian authorities with gold coins to avoid punishment when they went to Ukrainian villages to buy or ask for food. He recalls with regret that the hunger was so severe that his family ended up giving away a gold coin or even two for a sieve of cornmeal or a few potatoes: “At one point, when we saw that they were targeting us… we had gold coins, we had shirts with large sleeves, we would undo them, turn them into napkins, rugs like these, lighter clothing, and we would sell them to the Russians for cornmeal and vegetables. We sold the gold to the Russians, gave it to the Romanians when the Romanian army was there, and we would give away a coin or two for nothing, for two sieves of cornmeal or for potatoes.” [26]
Another practice for obtaining additional food was “stealing” corn kernels from the fields where the deportees were forced to work in agriculture. Even though taking a few corn kernels from the field where they had likely worked a few days earlier did not seem like a serious offense to them, they were harshly punished by the authorities who supervised them, as Lucia Mihai recalls: “The gendarmes would shoot them, kill them because they would go into the fields and steal corn to survive. They would crush the corn kernels, boil them, and give them to the children to eat because they had nothing else to give them to keep them from starving.” [27]
Testimonies reveal that the only ones from whom deportees occasionally received small amounts of food in exchange for services or payments were the Ukrainian villagers. However, Ukrainian support was neither consistent nor substantial, as they were also in a war zone, as mentioned by Nicolae Iancu or Anuța Brânzan: “The Russians allowed us to gather beans from their fields and in exchange they asked our parents to work;[28] … And it was lucky that the old Russian man would bring us something. He would also bring us something from time to time. My father gave him whatever he had left, something good, he gave him sheets sewn by my mother, good clothes, whatever he had, he gave him a pair of earrings, a bracelet, things like that. But he told us that he didn’t have much more to give us, that he barely had enough for them, that they also received rations, that they were also on rations. And there was the army, and they were no longer in control.” [29]
In their struggle against hunger, the deported Roma in Transnistria even learnt the local language to procure food and survive, as Mirică Dinu mentions: “We would go to the Ukrainians to ask for food because there was none left. We didn’t know Russian.” ‘Lady – we would shout like we do here – come here! Ninai, meaning we don’t know what you’re saying.’ When I learnt Russian, I said to her: ‘If you want, come here.’ When she came, I said, ‘We haven’t eaten for three days, give us something to eat, we’re starving.’ She said, ‘Cheese, milk, bread. What do you want?’ ‘Give us onions, they’re good for us.’ [30]
II.3 Forced Labour – A Condition for Obtaining Food
Forced labour was also perceived by survivors as a method of obtaining food. As seen in the interview excerpts below, performing forced labour was a condition for receiving the daily ration:
“I went to do all kinds of work because I couldn’t stay idle; I had nothing to eat. They didn’t give you anything if you didn’t work; you had nothing to eat.” – Enuța Sporidon[31]
“They took us to the fields and gave us about 100-200 grams to eat. To work with vegetables and on plantations. There were overseers, like the landlords here. We would leave at eight and come back at four. If we came back, what did we do? What did we earn? If you stayed in the collective, they didn’t even give you your ration. They took us there and gave us a ladle of food if we worked. And if you did a lot of work until 1 PM, they’d give you two ladles.” – Mirică Dinu[32]
To understand how forced labour influenced the Roma’s relationship with food, it is first necessary to clarify the term “forced labour” and how it was regulated in the concentration camps in Transnistria.
For Viorel Achim, the term “forced labour” refers to people deported to a foreign country on ethnic and racial grounds, who were made to work in places where they were taken against their will; they were forced to perform tasks that often had nothing to do with their qualifications; they worked without a contract, for an indefinite period, and without any prospect of returning to their homes; they usually worked without pay, their compensation consisting mostly of food and shelter for themselves and their families.[33]
The organizing of forced labour for the deported Roma in Transnistria was regulated by Decision no. 3149 of December 18, 1942, by the Transnistria Government, and the purpose of employing them was to ensure food for the deportees. Achim points out that until December 1942, there was no plan from the authorities to organize the forced labour of the Roma; the goal of the deportations was not to exploit their labour but to exterminate them.[34] The concern for Roma labour was mainly related to securing food since maintaining them in camps posed an enormous expense for the authorities. To relieve the occupation administration of this burden and to maintain control over these people, who would otherwise be forced to leave the deportation sites in search of food, it was decided that all expenses for the food and accommodation of the deportees would be covered by private employers who needed labour.[35]
The needs and demands of employers for labour varied from camp to camp, meaning that very few Roma had the opportunity to work. Achim mentions that in the Oceacov district, in mid-December 1942, out of a total of nearly 14,000 Roma who had arrived in September, only 35 were employed at the “Marshal Antonescu” state farm. The archival documents he consulted show that Roma asked to work so they could earn their food.[36]
II.4 New Methods of Food Preparation
The starvation in the concentration camps in Transnistria led to significant changes in how people ate and prepared food. They were forced to adapt to what was available and be as inventive as possible to survive. Constant hunger and food shortages gave rise to specific eating habits and methods of preparing food in the concentration camps: eating raw food; finding new ways to process food; eating quickly to finish within the time allowed by the authorities; disregarding basic hygiene rules. Below are some excerpts from survivors’ testimonies that illustrate these behaviours:
“They would go however they could and get corn and give us unsalted corn kernels, nothing else, and my father would crush the kernels with an anvil, and my mother would prepare a kind of gruel for us to eat, and it was full of sand and dirt, and we would eat it like that because we had no choice, so we wouldn’t die.” – Lucia Mihai[37]
“When they took us to the field to pick corn, they wouldn’t even let us eat corn kernels. We would put a handful of kernels in our pockets and eat them raw, unripe, and uncooked. If they saw us putting even a small handful of corn in our pockets, they would kill us; it was such destruction. They would give us a small handful of cornmeal, and when we got home, we had a small tin cup, no pot, nothing, nothing.” – Maria Dumitru[38]
“They brought us each a tin cup of cornmeal with barley… my mother would put it on the fire and make us flatbread to eat, and that’s how we ate… the Russian women would peel the potatoes and throw the raw peels outside, and we would gather them from the garbage, put them on a tray, and roast them, and we ate them like that.” – Radu Alexandrina[39]
“I made a metal plate and punched holes in it, and we would take the corn in hand and rub it against the sieve. We rubbed it and made cornmeal.” – Enuța Sporidon[40]
III. Exhaustion
If the phase of resistance is marked by efforts to procure food and cooperate within the family, exhaustion is characterized by psychological and social collapse. Hunger shifts focus and reorganizes people’s priorities, with personal survival becoming the primary focus. Kelly Young explains this shift, noting that malnutrition causes cognitive deterioration, shifting attention away from social habits and moral codes, with thoughts of food becoming dominant.[41] Regarding the Roma deported to Transnistria, after a period of trying to resist and fight against dehumanization and extermination by finding various survival strategies, they eventually could not hold on and gradually began to break down mentally.
III.1 Consumption of Taboo Foods
People became so exhausted from hunger that they began eating horse, cat, and dog meat—foods considered taboo in Roma culture, as survivors Maria Dumitru and Dobrin Costică testify:
“Oh Lord, we ate horse meat, but what didn’t we eat… We even ate donkey meat; the Lord Jesus knows. But what didn’t we eat out of hunger.” [42] “Because of hunger, we started eating grass like sheep… To eat dog meat, cat meat—what kind of person can you be, what kind of blood can you still have in you?” [43]
The consumption of foods considered taboo in their culture induced a sense of loss of human value, destroying their identity and leading them to resign themselves to dehumanization and death.
III.2 Child Abandonment
Another behaviour specific to the exhaustion phase mentioned by the Roma deported to Transnistria is the abandonment of children: “When you could no longer bear the hunger, you’d put the child down and leave them there on the road to die because you couldn’t, you no longer had the strength to carry them.” – Petru Căldărar[44] “On the road, when we left, I gave birth to both of them. I threw one away, and I’m ashamed; there was a girl and a boy. And I left the girl and took the boy, yes. And I was about to throw this one away too, but God intervened, and I brought him.” – Silvia Stănescu[45]
III.3 Cannibalism
As hunger and death became more imminent in the Transnistria camps, acts of cannibalism began to emerge. For Young, the path to adopting cannibalism in extreme circumstances is part of a psychological process of hierarchizing human needs. When the human body is deprived of its primary biological needs, they become more powerful, causing the importance of other needs, such as social and moral ones, to diminish.[46] The testimonies of Ilina Hristea, Bria Mihai, and Paulina Vasile capture precisely this cognitive and psychological degradation caused by hunger, leading to the prioritization of survival over moral and social values:
“There were some people who had nothing to eat; they pulled her out of the grave, undressed her, and dragged her behind a bush. They cut the meat from her hips and thighs, then roasted it and ate it… What else could they do? It wasn’t their fault; they had nothing to eat.” – Ilina Hristea and Bria Mihai[47]
“A Roma woman of ours had just died, in the evening, they buried her. The Roma from Pitești immediately went, dug her up, cut her up, and ate her. They ate human flesh! When someone died recently, they’d go, dig them up, and eat them.” – Vasile Paulina[48]
Conclusions
In this study, I have demonstrated the significant role that starvation played in the Romanian authorities’ proceedings to carry out the mass extermination of the deported Roma. The Antonescu regime, much like the Nazi regime, used starvation as a tool of physical and psychological oppression. By depriving them of food, the Romanian authorities persecuted, humiliated, and degraded the deported Roma, forcing them to behave in ways that were disrespectful, treacherous, and sometimes even inhumane toward other deportees, ultimately leading to the destruction of their identity and dignity.
I focused on the subjective aspect of how the deported Roma experienced hunger, discussing its impact on their conduct and daily life in the camps. I analysed their survival tactics from the perspective of survivors’ memories, capturing their attempts to resist starvation and maintain their humanity. I emphasized the survivors’ testimonies, as these can serve as a means of restoring the memory of the Holocaust for the Roma and contribute to a more complex understanding of the suffering they endured during the Holocaust.
References
Achim, Viorel. Munca Forțată în Transnistria Organizarea muncii evreilor și rromilor decembrie 1942 – martie 1942, (Târgoviște: Editura Cetatea de Scaun, 2015).
Furtună, A.N, Grigore, D, Neacșu, M, De ce nu plang?… Holocaustul Rromilor şi povestea lui adevarată, (Bucureşti: Centrul Rromilor “Amare Rromentza’’, 2010).
Ioanid, R, Kelso, M, Cioabă, L, Tragedia Rromilor Deportați în Transnistria 1942 -1944, (București: Polirom, 2009).
Dirks, R. “Social Responses during Severe Food Shortage and Famine”, Current Anthropology, vol. 21. nr.1 (1980): 21-44.
Young, K “The Psychological Effects of Starvation in the Holocaust: The Dehumanization and Deterioration of its Victims”, Augsburg Honors Review, vol 7, (2014).
Wiesel, E, Friling, T, Ioanid, R, Ionescu, M Final report, International Commission for the Study of the Holocaust in Romania, (Polirom, Iasi, 2004), 227-245.
NOTE
[1] Since June 1942, Romanian authorities have deported more than 25,000 Roma from Romania to Transnistria. The living conditions there were characterized by forced labour, hunger, cold, physical torture, typhus. This led to the exploitation, abuse and ultimately the physical and spiritual destruction of the deportees. Following the deportation to Transnistria, 11,000 Roma died. For more details: Elie Wiesel, Tuvia Friling, Radu Ioanid, Mihail Ionescu, Final report, International Commission for the Study of the Holocaust in Romania, (Polirom, Iasi, 2004), 227-245.
[2] I focused my attention on these two works because they contain interviews conducted during the years 1990-2010 when the Roma survivors could still tell sufficiently coherent what happened to them.
[3] Adrian Nicolae Furtună, Delia Grigore, Mihai Neacșu, Sostar na rovas…? O Samudaripen Thaj Lesqi Ciaci Paramisi – De ce nu plâng…? Holocaustul rromilor și povestea lui adevărată, (București; Amare Rromentza, 2010), 36.
[4] Furtună, Grigore, Neacșu, Sostar na rovas…?, 36.
[5] In his work, Social Responses during Severe Food Shortage and Famine, Dirks makes an analysis of several famine periods of populations belonging to different cultures and different eras, taking into account studies on famine carried out by various anthropologists (Irish Great Famine of 1845 – 1852, Famine of Tikopia 1952-1953, Ethiopia/Somalia 1973 – 1975, etc.). Dirks also reviews famine periods in the Second World War prison camps.
[6] Kelly Young, “The Psychological Effects of Starvation in the Holocaust: The Dehumanization and Deterioration of its Victims”, Augsburg Honors Review, vol 7, (2014).
[7] Dirks Robert, “Social Responses during Severe Food Shortage and Famine”, Current Anthropology, vol 21, nr.1, (1980), 27-30.
[8] Dirks, ,,Social Responses”, 22.
[9] Young, ,,The Psychological Effects”, 70.
[10] Young, ,,The Psychological Effects”, 73.
[11] Facsimil Fond Inspectoratul General al Jandarmeriei, Dosar numărul 201/1942, fila 11.
[12] Facsimil Fond Inspectoratul General al Jandarmeriei, Dosar numărul 201/1942, fila 49.
[13] Facsmil AINSHR RG-25002M, rola 33, dosar 78/1943, fila 3.
[14] Interview conducted within the project Remember to Resist, May 2016.
[15] Dirks, ,,Social Responses”, 26.
[16] Furtună, Grigore, Neacșu, Sostar na rovas…?, 13.
[17] Ioanid Radu, Kelso Michelle, Cioabă Luminița, Tragedia Romilor Deportați în Transnistria 1942-1944, (Iași: Polirom, 2009), 211.
[18] Ioanid, Kelso, Cioabă, Tragedia,166.
[19] Ioanid , Kelso, Cioabă, Tragedia, 60.
[20] Dirks, ,,Social Responses”, 28.
[21] Young, ,,The Psychological Effects”, 77.
[22] Furtună, Grigore, Neacșu, Sostar na rovas…?, 36.
[23] Ioanid, Kelso, Ciobă, Tragedia,248.
[24] Furtună, Grigore, Neacșu, Sostar na rovas…?, 38.
[25] Furtună, Grigore, Neacșu, Sostar na rovas…?, 100-101.
[26] Furtună, Grigore, Neacșu, Sostar na rovas…? 100.
[27] Ioanid, Kelso, Cioabă, Tragedia, 26.
[28] Furtună, Grigore, Neacșu, Sostar na rovas…?, 39.
[29] Ioanid, Kelso, Cioabă, Tragedia, 123.
[30] Ioanid, Kelso, Cioabă, Tragedia, 93.
[31] Ioanid, Kelso, Cioabă, Tragedia, 155.
[32] Ioanid, Kelso, Cioabă, Tragedia, 99.
[33] Achim Viorel, Munca Forțată în Transnistria. ,,Oganizarea muncii” evreilor și romilor Decembrie 1942-Martie 1944, (Târgoviște: Cetatea de Scaun, 2016), 20.
[34] Achim, Munca Forțată, 25, 26, 43.
[35] Achim Munca Forțată, 30.
[36] Achim, Munca Forțată, 35.
[37] Ioanid, Kelso, Cioabă, Tragedia, 105.
[38] Furtună, Grigore, Neacșu, Sostar na rovas…?, 39.
[39] Furtună, Grigore, Neacșu, Sostar na rovas…?, 99.
[40] Ioanid, Kelso, Cioabă, Tragedia, 154.
[41] Young, ,,The Psychological Effects”, 68.
[42] Furtună, Grigore, Neacșu, Sostar na rovas…?,37
[43] Furtună, Grigore, Neacșu, Sostar na rovas…?, 37.
[44] Furtună, Grigore, Neacșu, Sostar na rovas…?, 79.
[45] Ioanid, Kelso, Cioabă, Tragedia,181.
[46] Young, ,,The Psychological Effects”, 72.
[47] Ioanid, Kelso, Cioabă, Tragedia, 204
[48] Furtună, Grigore, Neacșu, Sostar na rovas…?, 38.
